# Redress or Revolution: You Decide the Fate of the Colonies
## A Living History Program set in the Second Continental Congress
### Philadelphia, June 1775
**Running time:** 30–35 minutes
**Cast:** John Hancock (President, Moderator), George Washington, John Dickinson, John Adams, Christopher Gadsden, Benjamin Franklin, Thomas Jefferson, Robert Morris, Roger Sherman
**Visitor delegates:** Samuel Adams, Richard Henry Lee, Robert Livingston, Edward Rutledge, John Langdon, Caesar Rodney, James Wilson *(cards provided separately)*
---
> **STAGE DIRECTIONS appear in** *italics.*
> **[VISITOR CUE]** marks moments to invite visitor delegates to speak.
> Lines are written to feel natural in performance — interpreters should feel free to vary wording while preserving the substance.
---
## OPENING FRAME
### *(Moderator steps forward — briefly out of character)*
**MODERATOR/HANCOCK:**
Good day, and welcome. Before we begin, let me tell you where and when you are.
It is June of 1775. You are in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, seated as delegates to the Second Continental Congress. This is not a peaceful gathering. Two months ago, British regulars and colonial militia fired on each other at Lexington and Concord. Last week, at a hill above Boston called Breed's Hill, more than a thousand British soldiers were killed or wounded driving our men from their positions. We held that hill until our powder ran out.
Three days ago, this Congress appointed George Washington of Virginia as Commander-in-Chief of a Continental Army. He will be leaving for Cambridge, Massachusetts within days to take command of the forces besieging Boston.
And yet — one of our most distinguished members, John Dickinson of Pennsylvania, is urging us to send a petition to King George III. One final appeal for peace.
You are delegates. You have a voice here. When I call upon you, please speak. At the end, you will vote.
*Steps back into character. Straightens posture. Becomes Hancock.*
---
## ACT I — THE SESSION IS CALLED TO ORDER
### *(In character — approx. 5 minutes)*
**HANCOCK:**
*(Rapping the gavel — he enjoys the authority of the chair)*
Gentlemen, be seated. The Continental Congress is called to order. I am John Hancock of Massachusetts, President of this Congress, and I will remind you that we have a great deal of business and a very short supply of time.
*(More soberly)*
Before us today is a proposal from our distinguished colleague Mr. Dickinson of Pennsylvania — a petition to His Majesty King George III, asking him to hear our grievances and step back from the present crisis before it passes beyond all remedy.
I will not pretend this is a simple question. Three days ago, this Congress commissioned George Washington of Virginia as Commander-in-Chief of a Continental Army. The men besieging Boston are waiting for leadership, powder, and pay. And we are debating whether to write a letter.
I have my own views on this matter. But I sit in this chair to ensure every voice is heard, not to impose my own. So let us hear them.
I think it proper that we begin with General Washington — who has accepted the commission we placed upon him and who will shortly leave this hall, perhaps for years. General Washington, this Congress is grateful for your service, and we would hear from you.
---
**HANCOCK** *(aside, with a trace of self-importance):*
I should note for the record that as President I myself signed the commission. With considerable flourish, I am told.
*(Catching himself)*
But that is neither here nor there. General Washington — the floor is yours.
---
**WASHINGTON:**
*(Rising. Measured, dignified, not eager to speak.)*
Mr. Hancock. Gentlemen.
I will not pretend I am easy in my mind. When this Congress saw fit to honor me with this commission, I said then what I believe now: I do not think myself equal to it. But I have accepted, and I will serve.
I am told there are men in this room who believe the petition Mr. Dickinson proposes will give us peace. I will not argue against them. I know farmers and tradesmen and fathers who would give nearly anything for peace, and I count myself among them.
But I will tell you what I also know. The men outside Boston — the men I am about to go and command — they are watching what we do here. They have given blood. They are giving it still. Whatever message we send to the King, we must take care that it does not tell those men that their sacrifice has been bargained away for the hope of a letter that may never be answered.
I leave this matter in your hands, as I must. You are this nation's conscience. I am merely its sword.
*(Sits. He will remain largely silent for the rest of the debate — a visible, weighty presence.)*
---
## ACT II — THE DEBATE
### *(In character — approx. 18 minutes)*
**HANCOCK:**
We are grateful, General. *(Clears throat, reasserts presidential bearing)* The floor is open. Mr. Dickinson, as the author of this petition, the argument is yours to make.
---
**DICKINSON:**
*(Rising with some passion — he believes this deeply)*
Thank you, Mr. Hancock.
Gentlemen, I have been called a coward in the back corridors of this building. I have been called a friend to tyranny. I want to say plainly: I am neither. I have spent years arguing for the rights of this continent. I have signed letters, written pamphlets, stood in this room and told the Crown that it has no right to tax us without our consent. No one in this chamber has more thoroughly exhausted the peaceful remedies than I have.
But I am not ready to tell the mothers of this continent that we have done everything in our power to avoid war — because we have not. Not yet.
There are men in the British Parliament — Edmund Burke, William Pitt — who have stood on the floor of that body and argued for us. They are not powerful enough to win the argument alone. But if we send this petition — if we demonstrate to the world and to the moderate men of Britain that we are reasonable, that we seek reconciliation, not separation — we give those men ammunition. We may yet find allies in the mother country herself.
And if I am wrong — if the King refuses — then at least every man on this continent and every court in Europe will know that we tried. That the war which follows was not of our making.
*(Quieter)*
We have appointed a general. I pray to God we send him home without needing to use him. But if it comes to that — let it come with clean hands.
---
**HANCOCK:**
Mr. Gadsden, I believe you wish to be heard.
---
**GADSDEN:**
*(On his feet quickly — direct, impatient)*
I do, and I'll be brief, because plain things don't require many words.
South Carolina has a royal governor who is at this moment threatening to arm our enslaved population against us if we do not submit. The King's ships sit in our harbors. His agents intercept our correspondence and report it to London. And we are going to send him a letter asking him to please be reasonable?
Mr. Dickinson speaks of clean hands. I want a free country. I will worry about the cleanliness of my hands afterward.
*(Turns toward Washington)*
General Washington is going to Cambridge. He is going to take command of men who have already paid with blood. What do we say to those men? "Hold your positions, but don't fire too many rounds, because we've written a very polite letter to the man who sent the soldiers?"
I respect Mr. Dickinson. I do. But we are past letters. We were past letters at Lexington. Every week we delay is another week the British use to strengthen their position and weaken ours.
Vote no on the petition. Let us get on with it.
---
**HANCOCK:**
Mr. Morris — you have been uncharacteristically quiet for a man of such considerable means. The chair would hear from you.
---
**MORRIS:**
*(Practical, measured — a man who thinks in ledgers)*
Mr. President, I will be brief, because my argument is simple.
I am a merchant. I deal in ships, credit, and supply. And I will tell you what I know about fighting a war: it costs money. An enormous amount of money. Money this continent does not yet have in organized form.
We have no treasury. We have no established credit with foreign banks. We have no reliable system for supplying an army in the field. General Washington is about to discover exactly how true that is when he arrives in Cambridge.
*(To the room)*
Now — Mr. Gadsden wants to get on with it. I understand that impulse. But "getting on with it" without the means to sustain it is not boldness. It is bankruptcy. A war begun before we can finance it is a war we will lose — not on the battlefield, but in the counting house.
The petition, if it buys us even six months, may be worth sending for that reason alone. Six months to organize our finances. Six months to establish lines of credit. Six months to ensure that when General Washington asks for powder and pay, someone can actually provide it.
*(Sits)*
I am not a sentimental man. I am a practical one. And practically speaking — we are not ready.
---
**SHERMAN:**
*(Briefly — steady, plainspoken)*
I will add only this. Connecticut has been debating these questions for years, and what I have observed is that men of good conscience can look at the same facts and reach different conclusions. Mr. Gadsden is not wrong that time favors the British. Mr. Morris is not wrong that we are unprepared. Mr. Dickinson is not wrong that we owe the world a demonstration of good faith.
The question is which risk we are more willing to live with. I have made my peace with sending the petition — not with confidence, but with the understanding that whatever follows, this Congress will have acted honorably.
*(To Hancock)*
Mr. President, I believe Dr. Franklin has been waiting patiently.
---
**HANCOCK:**
Dr. Franklin — you have been quiet. I suspect the Congress would benefit from your perspective, given your many years in London.
---
**FRANKLIN:**
*(Slowly rising — he is the oldest man in the room and carries that weight)*
I have been quiet because I have been thinking about how to say what I know without sounding like a man who has simply given up hope.
I spent the better part of seventeen years in London arguing for this continent. I met with ministers, I wrote letters, I testified before Parliament. I dined with men who claimed to be our friends and who, in the end, did nothing for us when it mattered.
I know the King. I know his court. I know what they think of us.
*(A pause)*
They think we are children who have gotten above ourselves. They do not believe we are serious. They do not believe we will fight — not in earnest, not for long. They expect us to tire of it and come to heel.
Now — Mr. Dickinson is not wrong that a petition may serve a purpose. But let us be clear-eyed about what that purpose is. It is not to change the King's mind. George III will not read our petition and suddenly discover that we have rights. The purpose of the petition, if we send it, is to demonstrate to France, to Spain, to the watching world, that we have exhausted every remedy. That what follows is not rebellion but defense.
If that is the argument for sending it, I can support it. But I will not have any man in this room believe that I think it will bring peace. It will not. The peace, if it comes, will be won in the field — by the man sitting over there.
*(Nods toward Washington)*
---
**HANCOCK:**
Mr. Adams.
---
**ADAMS:**
*(Rising — he has been visibly impatient during Dickinson's speech)*
Mr. Dickinson, I have great respect for you. You are a man of principle and I do not question your sincerity. But I must ask you — and I mean this as a genuine question, not a taunt — have you forgotten the Intolerable Acts?
*(Turning to address the full room)*
One year ago, the King and his Parliament did not merely tax us or regulate our trade. They closed the port of Boston entirely. They revoked the Massachusetts charter — the charter our forefathers bled for — and handed our government over to a royal governor. They told us that British soldiers accused of crimes against colonists could be tried in England, beyond the reach of colonial justice. They quartered troops in our homes.
These were not the actions of a king who wished to negotiate. These were the actions of a king who had already made up his mind.
*(Moving closer to Dickinson)*
Mr. Dickinson — you speak of Edmund Burke and William Pitt. I have read their speeches. They are fine speeches. They changed nothing. The Intolerable Acts passed anyway. The troops came anyway. The port closed anyway. And now men are dead on the road to Concord and on the hill above Charlestown.
What, precisely, do we believe this petition will accomplish that the last twenty years of petitions did not?
*(A beat — then directly to Dickinson)*
I will tell you what I think. I think you are a good man asking us to trust a king who has already shown us exactly who he is. And I think that is a luxury we can no longer afford.
---
**DICKINSON:**
*(Stung, but composed)*
Mr. Adams, the Intolerable Acts were a grave injustice. I said so at the time and I say so now. But I ask you to consider: the passage of those acts also produced something we did not have before — genuine sympathy for our cause among moderate Englishmen. Burke's speech in Parliament drew applause. Pitt called the acts a catastrophe. We are not as alone in Britain as you suggest.
And I would remind this Congress that the Intolerable Acts were a response to the destruction of private property in Boston Harbor. The King believes — wrongly, but sincerely — that he is responding to provocation. A petition demonstrates that we are not the aggressors. That matters.
*(Quietly, with some pain)*
Mr. Adams, if I am wrong, the cost is a few months and a letter that goes unanswered. If you are wrong — if we foreclose every peaceful option and plunge this continent into a war we are not yet ready to fight — the cost is measured in lives. Tell me which error you would rather make.
---
**ADAMS:**
*(A long pause — then, firmly)*
The one that ends with us free.
*(Sits)*
---
**HANCOCK:**
Mr. Jefferson — you are newer to this body than most. Perhaps a fresh perspective is useful here.
---
**JEFFERSON:**
*(He is young — early thirties — and chooses his words with precision)*
I am newer to this body, Mr. Sherman, but I am not new to the argument.
Virginia has debated this for years. And I will tell you what I believe: the question before us today is not really whether to send a petition. It is whether we believe the rights we are claiming are real.
If they are real — if we genuinely believe that men have the right to govern themselves, to be taxed only by their own representatives, to be free from the arbitrary exercise of military force — then eventually, a petition will not be enough. Because the King does not accept those rights. He has said so, plainly, by his actions.
I have no objection to sending the petition. Mr. Franklin is right that it may serve a purpose before the eyes of the world. But let no man here vote for it imagining that it solves the deeper problem. The deeper problem is that we and the Crown have fundamentally different ideas about what we are — and that difference cannot be resolved by correspondence.
*(Quietly)*
We will have to resolve it some other way.
---
**HANCOCK:**
*(To the room)*
Gentlemen — we have heard from several of our most distinguished members. I believe this question deserves to be heard from more voices before we come to a vote. As President, I consider it my duty to ensure no delegate leaves this hall feeling unheard.
*(With a slight flourish)*
That is, after all, what a President is for.
*Turns to visitor delegates*
I see we have colleagues who have not yet spoken. The chair will hear from the following members of this Congress.
---
## VISITOR DELEGATE SEGMENT
### *[VISITOR CUES — approx. 7–8 minutes]*
*Sherman calls on visitor delegates one at a time by name and colony. Give each visitor 30–60 seconds. After each speaks, one of the main characters may briefly respond — keep responses short (1–2 sentences) to maintain pace.*
**HANCOCK:** *(Example call)*
The chair recognizes Mr. *(name)* of *(colony)*. Sir, where do you stand on the matter before this Congress?
*After each visitor speaks, the following characters may respond briefly:*
- A **pro-petition** visitor → **Dickinson** affirms them warmly, or **Adams** gently pushes back
- An **anti-petition** visitor → **Gadsden** backs them up, or **Dickinson** respectfully disagrees
- An **undecided** visitor → **Franklin** engages them with a question or observation
*Suggested brief response lines for characters:*
**DICKINSON** *(agreeing):*
"Well said, sir. That is precisely the kind of voice this Congress needs to hear."
**DICKINSON** *(disagreeing, gently):*
"I respect that view. I would only ask — when the petition is rejected, and you are proven right, will you be content knowing we never tried?"
**GADSDEN** *(agreeing with anti-petition visitor):*
"Now THERE is a man who sees things clearly. Someone write that down."
**GADSDEN** *(to a cautious visitor):*
"With respect, sir — caution is a fine virtue in a merchant. It is a liability in a revolution."
**ADAMS** *(to any visitor):*
"You raise the very question I've been asking myself. What does your conscience tell you when you ask whether the King will listen?"
**FRANKLIN** *(to an undecided visitor):*
"A wise man stays undecided until he has all the facts. Unfortunately, in my experience, the facts in this case are rather grim."
**JEFFERSON** *(to any visitor):*
"The question you're wrestling with, sir, is the same one this continent will be wrestling with for years. I don't think there's a wrong answer today — only a premature one."
---
## ACT III — THE VOTE
### *(In character — approx. 3 minutes)*
**HANCOCK:**
*(Rapping the gavel)*
Gentlemen, the chair believes this matter has been thoroughly aired. It is time to call the question.
Before we go to the full body, I will ask each of our senior delegates to state their position plainly — one sentence, no speeches. The President will vote last.
---
**DICKINSON:**
I vote to send the petition, and I believe history will vindicate that choice.
---
**GADSDEN:**
I vote no. We are wasting time we do not have.
---
**MORRIS:**
I vote yes. We need the time to get our finances in order.
---
**SHERMAN:**
I vote yes — and I ask that whatever follows, this Congress remain united.
---
**FRANKLIN:**
I vote yes — not because I expect it to succeed, but because the world must see that we tried.
---
**ADAMS:**
*(Looking at Dickinson)*
I vote no. The Intolerable Acts were the King's answer. We simply haven't accepted it yet.
---
**JEFFERSON:**
I vote yes. Let the record show we sought peace. Let the record also show what the King did with that offer.
---
**HANCOCK:**
*(Turning to Washington)*
General Washington — you will soon leave this chamber for a command that will depend on the decisions made here. How do you vote?
---
**WASHINGTON:**
*(A pause — then, quietly)*
I vote yes. Not because I believe it will end this — I do not. But because the men I am about to lead deserve to know their leaders left no peaceful door unopened.
*(A beat)*
Now. Let us find out if this room agrees.
---
**HANCOCK:**
*(Straightening — presidential)*
As for myself — I vote yes. I have had my property seized by this Crown, my ships impounded, my livelihood threatened. And still I say: let us try. Because when the King refuses — and I believe he will — no one will be able to say we did not give him every chance.
*(A beat — then, with some feeling)*
He will regret that.
*(Raises the gavel)*
Now — to the full body. All those in favor of sending the Olive Branch Petition to His Majesty King George III — raise your hands.
*(Visitor delegates vote)*
All those opposed.
*(Hancock counts — announces result either way)*
The *(ayes/nays)* have it. So recorded.
---
## CLOSING FRAME
### *(Moderator steps briefly out of character — approx. 2 minutes)*
**HANCOCK/MODERATOR:**
Thank you, all.
History tells us that this Congress did in fact adopt the Olive Branch Petition on July 5th, 1775. It was carried to London by Richard Penn. King George III refused to receive it. Before he even read it, he issued a Proclamation declaring the colonies to be in a state of open rebellion.
John Adams had written a private letter to a friend around this same time calling the petition — and I'll be polite here — rather futile. That letter was intercepted by the British and published in London. It caused quite a scandal. Mr. Dickinson was furious with him.
General Washington arrived at Cambridge in July and found an army desperately short of powder, money, and organization. Robert Morris's fears about finances proved entirely correct — Washington's army was chronically short of funds, and Morris himself would later spend a large part of his personal fortune keeping it afloat.
Eleven months later — on July 4th, 1776 — this Congress declared independence. John Hancock, as President, was the first to sign the Declaration — and signed it, as legend has it, large enough for King George to read without his spectacles.
John Dickinson chose not to sign — not because he opposed independence, but because he still believed the timing was wrong. He then immediately enlisted in the militia.
*(A slight smile)*
He was a complicated man. Most of them were.
Please feel free to stay and speak with our delegates. They are happy to remain in character or to answer your questions directly.
Thank you for being part of the Second Continental Congress.
---
## DIRECTOR'S NOTES
**Pacing:** The debate should feel like a real argument, not a lecture series. Characters should react visibly when others speak — nodding, shaking heads, exchanging glances.
**Washington's silence:** After his opening speech, Washington should remain physically present and expressive. He does not need lines — his reactions tell the story. When Gadsden references him, Washington should meet his gaze steadily. When Franklin nods at him, he should acknowledge it.
**Adams and Dickinson:** This is the emotional center of the debate. Adams should start controlled — almost lawyerly — when he raises the Intolerable Acts, then build in intensity as he addresses Dickinson directly. The exchange should feel personal, not merely political. These are men who respect each other and are genuinely in conflict. Dickinson's response should land with quiet dignity — he should not seem defeated, only pained. Adams's closing line ("The one that ends with us free") should be delivered simply, without heat. That restraint makes it hit harder. His vote at the end — delivered while looking at Dickinson — is the payoff.
**Gadsden's energy:** He is the most outspoken character on stage. Use him to keep energy up, but don't let him dominate — his impact is greater in bursts.
**Hancock:** He is the most theatrical character on stage — use it. He loves the authority of the chair, enjoys the sound of his own voice, and has genuine passion beneath the showmanship. His aside about signing Washington's commission with "considerable flourish" should get a laugh. But his vote at the end should land as sincere — he is a man who has personally suffered under the Crown and still chooses one more attempt at peace. That complexity is what makes him interesting.
**Morris:** He is a brief but grounding voice — the one man in the room thinking purely in practical terms. Play him as calm and slightly detached, as if he's already doing the math while everyone else is making speeches. His vote is the shortest in the room, which is the point.
**Visitor interactions:** Hancock should treat visitor delegates with warmth and a touch of presidential ceremony — he might address them as "the distinguished gentleman from..." with slight mock-formality that gets visitors smiling. The goal is for visitors to feel like real participants. Avoid putting anyone on the spot — make the invitation welcoming.
**The vote:** Whether the audience votes for or against the petition, Hancock should announce it with full presidential gravity, then react in character. If the audience votes NO, Gadsden should visibly restrain his satisfaction, and Dickinson should look quietly pained but dignified. Hancock's "So recorded" should feel like he means it.
## Audience Cards
[Samuel Adams](card1.html)
[Richard Henry Lee](card2.html)
[Robert Livingston](card3.html)
[Edward Rutledge](card4.html)
[John Langdon](card5.html)
[Caesar Rodney](card6.html)
[James Wilson](card7.html)